War On White South Africa | Ilana Mercer

War On White South Africa | Ilana Mercer

Sky News report on racist farm murders in South Africa

7 Black Teens Brutally Attack a 13 yr old White Kid - Hate Crime

before i post this article, This is my Blog, and here i wish to say to every single person in the world who thinks its ok for blacks to kill whites in south africa .... You are No Different from these cruel, heartless, barbaric killers, maybe one day you will feel how it feels when your family, Children gets raped, barbariccaly tortured then killed by these demons.

Special Forces to Save Whites- In South Africa

Special Forces to Save Whites

In South Africa, a former member of the special forces has founded a new security company to protect farmers. Wynand du Toit points out that more than 4,800 white farmers have been murdered since the ANC took power in 1994, and has no doubt about the purpose of the killings: “There are no traditional criminals involved in the farm attacks. It is well-planned, military-style operations that are taking place. It is a well-planned action [aimed at forcing] white farmers to abandon their farms so that blacks can move in.” Lately, he says, attackers let their victims call neighbors for help and then ambush and kill the rescuers as well. He adds that it is no accident blacks target children for rape and torture: “Children are the future. Destroying children prevents us from having a future. Of course, the killing of children is also a psychological onslaught against the farmer, which might force him to leave his farm in order to protect them.”

Record of the injuries of a white, Eastern Transvaal farmer who was tortured for six hours before he was finally killed.

Mr. du Toit’s new security company, Lanseria Protection Services, has teams of ex-special forces men on call 24 hours a day, who can be helicoptered anywhere in the country or parachute out of airplanes. He says the attackers have been frightened away from the areas in which his men have been active, and that local farmers look on his service as their only hope for survival.
Mr. du Toit thinks the killings are orchestrated by the Pan African Congress, and that the ANC is not yet at the stage of systematically killing whites. At the same time, police morale is so low, and so many experienced white officers are quitting, he thinks that within several years it will not be possible to solve major crimes. He notes that whites cannot count on help from abroad: “I have not noticed any response from the U.N., U.S. or the UK to the killings by blacks of white farmers in South Africa. Remember, we are white. Only whites can be racist. Blacks can’t be racist. They do not lie, and in the eyes of many overseas people, these attacks must be seen as a justification of the past. I do not think that the U.N. will spend one minute a month on the murders in South Africa.” [Anthony C. LoBaido, Wynand du Toit, a Special Forces Hero Committed to Saving Farmers at Risk in Southern Africa, WorldNetDaily. com, Aug. 15, 2001.]
One of the more hideous recent attacks took place on July 27, when eight blacks attacked Mr. and Mrs. Johan le Grange, an impoverished rural couple in their 80s. They tortured both victims with hot irons and tore out fingernails before beating Mr. le Grange to death. Mrs. le Grange survived but remains severely traumatized. The men then went next door to the home of the le Grange’s daughter and her four-year-old daughter, whom they raped and tortured for several hours — but did not kill.
Henda Wolfardt, a South African farmer who lives near Ventersdorp with her husband and two sons has noticed a world-wide pattern: “The blacks are killing whites in Zimbabwe, Kenya, South Africa and even in the U.S. in the recent riots in Seattle and Cincinnati. In Australia, the Aborigines are calling for the blood of the white farmers. The Russians are fighting against Islam in Chechnya. White Christians are attacked in the Balkans and Macedonia. What will it take for people to wake up?” [Anthony C. LoBaido, Killing of South Africa Farmers Intensifies, WorldNet Daily.com, Aug. 1, 2001.]

Zim: Bad to Worse

Deterioration continues in Zimbabwe. On August 26, the British newspaper The Telegraph reported that it had received a copy of a secret government document called “Operation Give up and Leave,” which outlined a terror strategy for ridding the country of whites. “The operation should be thoroughly planned so that farmers are systematically harassed and mentally tortured and their farms destabilised until they give in and give up,” it read in part. It says the “Pamire-silencing method” should be used on any farmer who resists, a reference to Chris Pamire, a businessman who fell out with President Robert Mugabe and died in a mysterious road accident.

War “veterans” invade a white farm.

A Zimbabwe government spokesman says the document is rubbish, but events seem to be following its plan. Though the area around the town of Chinhoyi has been particularly hard hit by blacks looting and vandalizing white farm houses, the town itself has been safe. Recently, Pres. Mugabe’s followers forced all whites off the streets of Chinhoyi, beating up any they could find. Joy Moolman, a white farmer’s wife, has circulated an e-mail message reporting that blacks later went on an especially nasty tear through the countryside, turning out whites and making off with wagon loads of their possessions. Mrs. Moolman writes that her husband is a pilot and flew over the area reporting which way the gangs were headed so farmers could evacuate their families.
Under the title “Whites Finished in Zimbabwe,” the August 12 issue of the British newspaper Daily Mail published a letter from a white Zimbabwean that read, in part: “There is a fin de atmosphere among white people now, a sad, bitter resignation to the fact that our world is crumbling around us. It’s like going through a bereavement for the beloved country many of our families came to from England 100 years ago. It’s an agonising process: anger, denial, bargaining — then maybe death.
“The entire younger generation of whites know they are not wanted and have left or are leaving. The older generation is still desperate to live out what remains of their lives in what is left of British colonial style…”
“Suburban street signs have been removed wholesale — we think they are being melted down and made into coffin handles. Graves have been opened, corpses dumped in the bush and coffins taken for resale, spruced up with the aluminium from the signs.”
He writes that the whole country feels like one big departure lounge, as whites clear out. At 50,000, whites are 0.6 percent of the population, down from 200,000 when Robert Mugabe came to power and asked whites to stay. Even face to face with hatred, whites seem unwilling to shed their illusions. The man writes that one white “revealed that what really depressed him was the seeming indifference of most black Zimbabweans to what is happening to the whites.”
He continues: “The government knows if it can drive whites out of Zimbabwe the rest of the world, and particularly the Western media, will lose interest and then it will be able to deal with its political opposition in no uncertain terms. If that happens, there will be a descent into poverty and terror from which Zimbabwe, once a civilised and sophisticated nation, may never emerge.”
What has been the reaction in white nations to this clear example of ethnic cleansing? Australian MPs have discussed the possibility of asking Mr. Mugabe not to come to the October Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Brisbane. Members of the European Parliament have urged the 15 member states to freeze any bank accounts held by Mr. Mugabe, to refuse to let him visit, and to consider suspending financial aid to Zimbabwe. American congressmen have considered — but not passed — legislation to impose financial sanctions.
In the latest round of pusillanimity, Britain has agreed to head up a group to compensate whites for the farmland to be taken from them, if Mr. Mugabe will only agree to an orderly, non-violent program of dispossession. Mr. Mugabe says he will study the agreement, announced September 7 in Nigeria.

“Veterans” load loot from a white farmer’s house.

Meanwhile, in late August, Britain denied asylum to a white Zimbabwean fruit farmer who was beaten unconscious by Zimbabwean authorities who also murdered his girlfriend. Roy Page says he is afraid to go home, and says a number of his 300 former employees were killed simply for saying they wanted him back. The British position is that Mr. Page has nothing to fear if he returns, but has permitted him to appeal the ruling. [Christina Lamb and David Bamber, Mugabe’s Secret Plan to Evict All Whites, Telegraph (London), Aug. 26, 2001. Zimbabwe Denies It Plans to Evict All White Farmers, Reuters, Aug. 27, 2001. Kathy Kittley, Beaten-up Farmer Pleads to Stay Here, Telegraph, Aug. 30, 2001. David Blair, The Last Gamble of Zimbabwe’s White Tribe, Telegraph, Aug. 18, 2001. Glenn McKenzie, Zimbabwe to Stop Occupying White Farms, AP, Sept. 7, 2001.]

Bet you did not hear this news.

 

 

The black animals car-jacked, then raped Christopher Newsom, cut off his penis, then set him on fire and fatally shot him several times while they forced his girlfriend, Channon Christian, to watch. An even more cruel fate awaited her!

Channon Christian, was beaten and gang-raped in many ways for four days by all of them, while they took turns urinating on her. Then they cut off her breast and put chemicals in her mouth ... and then murdered her.

Where be the Revs Al and Jesse? Are they providing counsel and help to the families of the victims?

Of course not - the victims were white

Why hasn't this received National coverage by the news media like the Duke "rape" case?

Oh, that's right - the victims were white

Why hasn't the NAACP, ACLU, New York Times etc., called for an investigation?

Must be cause the victims were white

Why hasn't the FBI been called in to investigate this as a hate crime?
Oh, t hat's right - the victims were white"





So, if a white news radio jock uses the phrase "Nappy headed", it gets 2 weeks of constant news coverage.

 

If two white people are tortured, raped, and murdered by a group of black people, it barely gets a blip in the news.

 

Pass this around, and maybe, just maybe, it will land in the hands of someone in the media or politics, that has the balls to stand up for the white people!!!

Great south African Land Scandal

The Great South African Land Scandal

Incisive book on how the ruling Marxist, racist ANC regime is engineering
 famine in South Africa. Dr Du Toit describes how the ANC commits 
systematic genocide against White farmers to steal their land. Absolute
 power flows not only from the barrel of a gun, but also from the hand
 which holds the food. Stalin starved 11 Million Ukrainians in 1933,
 Pol Pot 2 Million in 1975. Mugabe in 2000- is SA next? Read & decide
 for yourself. For a free PDF copy of the book, email boerboel@mighty.co.za

Published by Legacy Publications
Private Bag X 122
Centurion 0046
SOUTH AFRICA

ISBN NO. 0-620-31684-5
First Published January 2004
(c) Legacy Publications 2004

http://greatsalandscandal.blogspot.com/?m=1

Sunday 17 June 2007

Chapter 1: The Letsitele Valley

THE LETSITELE VALLEY,

LIMPOPO PROVINCE

Paradise is where the devil does his damnedest.

“Don’t even talk about logic in this part of the world”.

So declared pioneer farmer Mike Amm as we walked
towards his small holding high in the mountains outside Tzaneen. He was one
 of seven farmers who sold their farms in this beautiful valley to the
 Department of Land Affairs (DLA) for land restitution purposes.

Over the past two years, he has observed with dismay how the farms he and
 his family spent their lifetimes building up, have crumbled and decayed 
to the point where they have been placed under judicial management.

The word “management” is something of a misnomer, as nothing is happening
 on these farms. One of Amm’s farms, Murlebrook, was a prime producer of
 avocados, mangoes, paw paws, bananas, citrus fruits and macadamia nuts.

Amm shows us his large file on the debacle he has chronicled on the demise 
of his family farm. The file contains the history of the farm and how it was claimed. 
He wants to get the message out to what he feels is an uncaring South Africa. 
“Tell South Africa what is happening to agriculture in this country,” he pleads. 
His letters, exhortations and suggestions to the new owners are all there - 
offers to assist with business plans, or any assistance the new owners might want - 
are open-heartedly offered by a man who cares about South Africa and the 
country’s agricultural production. He is deeply worried about agriculture’s end game.

Nothing would have pleased this farmer more than to have helped keep Murlebrook 
alive, even if he didn’t own the farm any more. But his endeavours were ignored. 
Indeed, he and his fellow farmers in the area were told in no uncertain terms that the new
 owners would “go it alone”.

A report in the local Letaba Herald of February 2001 shows the Minister of Agriculture
 and Land Affairs, Ms. Thoko Didiza, signing the R43 million land agreement for 
the purchase of the Letsitele Valley farms, while Limpopo MEC for Agriculture
 and Land Administration, Dr. Aaron Motsoaledi, looks on.

Three thousand people attended the taxpayer-funded shindig which followed the signing. 
The celebrations were about the restitution of 1 400 ha of land in the valley 
(the seven commercial farms) to the Mamathola tribe.

The newspaper report declares that “in terms of the government’s Land Restitution Act, 
the Mamathola had successfully claimed the land on the grounds that the 13 farms 
involved had formerly belonged to their ancestors but were taken over by 
white settlers. (Yes, “settlers” was the word used for white South African citizens 
whose ancestors came to South Africa around the same time as American citizens’
 ancestors arrived in North America).

In her address at this “historic occasion”, Ms. Didiza urged the 1,500-strong tribe to
 administer these highly productive farms on a sound business basis to sustain their 
economic viability and prosperous future.

“We do not want to see these farms becoming derelict, and you roaming the 
streets of Tzaneen as beggars” she said. As the new owners, she continued, the tribe 
had to work efficiently “to disprove the perception of white critics that 
black people are lazy and incapable of managing farms”.

The Limpopo MEC for Agriculture Dr. Motsoaledi then stated it was critical that 
“whites must adapt to the wind of change or die. No one will kill them but
 if they cannot adapt they will just cease to live,” he remarked. 
He then went on to say the government had established an Agriculture College 
to train those who want to run farms.

A deserted packing shed after the handover: the Amm farm, Letsitele.

A dejected “Murlebrook” entrance – the Amm farm after the handover.

White owners

Speaking on behalf of the departing white owners, Mrs. Maggie Baleta said it was 
a disappointing experience for them to leave farms on which some of them had lived 
and worked for 43 years. She said these farms generated a turnover in excess 
of R15 million a year and that “the tribe would need good planning and dedication to 
ensure that they remained economically viable for all”.

She said the farmers were willing to help the tribe manage the resettlement of farms 
and to work together for the economic development of the area.

In reply, the claimants’ committee chairman Mr. Chiko Letsoalo expressed confidence in their ability to run the farms on their own without assistance from previous white owners.

“We are surprised about stories that we or the government would enter into partnership with the current owners so as not to lose the benefit of their expertise. We have already sent people to agricultural colleges to learn more about farming. We will run these farms through our own expertise”, he declared.

He said the tribe would “restructure” the farming operations. His tribe were given R4,5 million as operating capital.

The arrogance of this group of people is, in hindsight, only exceeded by their ignorance and incompetence. Their “going it alone” has resulted in the complete collapse of these farms, while Ms. Didiza, to all intents and purposes, has remained silent about her colossal failure in this regard.

Let us examine this land claim so that South Africa’s taxpayers, who paid for this land and donated the operating capital, can examine the processes of the Department of Land Affairs (DLA) and judge for themselves. Let it be said here that the Letsitele experience has occurred right throughout South Africa, with few variations. Some of the disasters are monumental, others not so grand but ominous nonetheless, because they expose a critical flaw in South Africa’s land “reform” process, a process which seems to have been ignored by those organizations we thought would have been the first to examine just where this policy would ultimately take South Africa.

The Letsitele Valley

This valley is situated 30 km south of Tzaneen, in South Africa’s northern Limpopo province. Farmer Mike Amm has known the valley since 1947.

His wife Monica and her father Noel Tooley were born there. The valley has always been one of the prime agricultural areas of the South African lowveld.

It has produced impressive quantities of fruit and vegetables - citrus, bananas, mangoes, avocados, papaya, litchis, macadamia nuts, tomatoes and a wide array of other vegetables.

The export of many of these products has earned South Africa valuable foreign currency, while the production of these crops and the development of the valley created employment for many thousands of people. The conservation of water through the building of storage dams was an impressive contributory factor to the agricultural success of the valley. The total volume of water stored in dams constructed by private farmers runs into several million cubic meters.

Vast sums of money were spent on the efficient use of water in the form of pumping plants, pipelines, lined canals, drip irrigation and the sophisticated computerised application of this precious resource. In the 1970’s, an Irrigation Board was formed to control the fair and efficient use of irrigation water.

Mamathola 635

At the headwaters of the Letsitele River lay a farm called Mamathola 635 which was also known as Mamathola’s Location, and is marked on old maps. This land measuring approximately 1 500 ha had been allocated to the Mamathola people some years before.

This community worked on neighbouring farms and existed on “slash and burn” subsistence agriculture. It is well known that this type of land use is extremely degrading to the environment. The land had become almost completely denuded through over-grazing and other destructive forms of land use. After even light rainfalls, the Letsitele River would turn a red colour from the soil-eroded areas on Mamathola 635. Aerial photographs of that period bear witness to this fact.

During the 1940’s, the government under the United Party’s Jan Smuts was alerted to this deteriorating situation and was requested to take action. For years debate raged in Parliament regarding this issue. And all the while the situation worsened.

Around 1956, the government decided to move the community from Mamathola’s location to two farms in the Trichardtsdal area. The farms “Metz” and “Enable” totaling approximately 7 000 ha were allocated to the tribe. Most of the people moved willingly although a few moved with reluctance.

It should be emphasized that the Mamathola community were not moved for political, but for conservation reasons. The community was more than adequately compensated in terms of land area, buildings, social infrastructure, roads, and so forth.

Mamathola 635 was then handed over to the Department of Forestry to rehabilitate the land. This step proved to be timeous and within a few years the land at the headwaters of the Letsitele River started to recover environmentally. Streams became stabilized and began flowing more cleanly and constantly. Eroded areas began slowly to recover vegetatively. But even to this day, the scars caused by the tribe’s destructive practices can still be seen.

28 October 1949

History in the form of a letter written to friends in England by an acquaintance of Mike Amm’s was presented to the DLA as further proof that the tribe’s removal was not political. This personal account reveals the land in question to be in a state of severe jeopardy, and vulnerable to complete collapse. Had the government of the day not removed those who were destroying the headwaters of the valley and surrounds (to whit, the Mamathloa tribe), there would be nothing there today upon which they could exist, let alone claim back as a viable concern.

We quote from the 1949 letter:

“We went as far as the jeep could go. The road was quite good to begin with, but the scenery was desolate as it was all through the native location where they have ruined the land by constant ploughing and planting of corn (called ‘mealies’ in South Africa) on the slopes until now nothing will grow at all, not even grass. It’s just barren red earth with patches of whitish soil here and there. After about 2 – 3 miles of this we came to the Forestry boundary and what a change! On one side of the line this bare earth, on the other thick grass and forests. The line itself is only about six feet across and yet it looks like a different country. The farmers around here are trying to get the Native Commissioner to move the people from this part so that the land may be given to the Forestry Department for reclamation. Wherever the locations are, the land is ruined as the people will not cultivate it properly.”

Concerned that the original erosion situation might return to the Letsitele headwaters after the farms were handed over, Amm wrote to the Kruger National Park for an update and advice. In April 2000, the Kruger National Park replied that “the Letsitele River is an important tributary to the Letaba River and as such is an important contributor to water availability in the already stressed Letaba catchment. This river has been reduced from a once perennial river to one that now often ceases flowing in the dry months. Due to this situation, the Kruger National Park strongly urges consideration and extreme care to be given to the current and proposed future land use options for the sensitive Letsitele Valley region.”

The letter continued: “The case must be strongly made that the land should be retained in a sustainable and conservation-friendly manner to ensure protection of the upper catchment of this vital river. Options for sustainable conservation-based eco-tourism ventures must be considered for the region in question”.

Given the parlous condition of the Letaba headwaters before the Mamathola tribe was moved, the worry clearly exists that with their takeover of the farms, these original conditions may return, with disastrous results all round.

The Early Nineties

Things changed in the early nineties, according to local people. The unbanning of Nelson Mandela and the cries for land for the landless led to the 1994 and subsequent land legislation after the ANC came to power. The people were promised land and were given the opportunity to claim land from which they felt they had been forcibly removed.

Certain parameters were laid down as to what would constitute a valid claim. For example, if compensation had been paid then a claim against that same land would be invalid. (In the Mamathola land claim case, this was totally ignored, but we will come to that later).

Never in their wildest dreams did farmers in the area we interviewed realize that productive farms would collapse so spectacularly, and that the government would seemingly ignore what farmers believed were logical requests to leave South Africa’s productive farms alone, and utilize other sources of land to grant to the landless.

This thought is echoed throughout South Africa. Why in Heaven’s name hand over a productive farm to those who really don’t want to farm it and, in many instances, to people who firmly believe the operation will continue producing a healthy income without any hard work, risk or capital input?

Why indeed! As Amm declared, logic doesn’t come into it, and this is the dark side of land reform. It is actually not reform. In many cases, it is destruction, and the perils in store for South Africa’s agricultural production cannot be overstated.

But let us return to the Letsitele handover.

In May 2000, a group of valley farmers received a letter from the Land Claims Commission stating that a claim on their portions of the farm Mamathola 609 had been gazetted, and that they were to appear at a meeting in Tzaneen to discuss the issue.

At the meeting the farm owners declared the claim was invalid because there had been no forced removal from Mamathola 609 which lay several kilometers from Mamathola’s location (or 635).

But the chairman of the meeting, Mr. Phogiso Molapo, retorted that the farmers’ argument would carry little weight because the community would claim their cattle would have grazed over the whole area of the Letsitele Valley anyway! Amm declares this statement alone made a mockery of the whole land claims process.

Further, the land claim forms were full of inaccuracies. The claimants admitted that they had been compensated, but said the new land was “too small”. (They received 7 000 ha to replace 1 500 ha). They said the new farm “was far from their graves” but there were no graves on the original piece of property. They also said they had to build new houses, churches, schools, etc. but these were in fact built for them when they moved, with taxpayers’ money. They also declared they received little compensation for their orange plants, but they were paid one pound a tree. According to people who knew the situation at that time, these trees had been in any case stolen from farmers in the area!

The farmers asked what were the conditions to obtain compensation. They adopted a non-confrontational approach as a matter of necessity. They felt they would get nowhere by any other means. They were offered three options regarding valuation of the properties, and they commissioned a local private valuer. Most of the owners were satisfied with the values apportioned. These values were presented to the Lands Claims Commissioner (LCC).

A few months later, a valuer sent by the LCC arrived to value the farms. His values were considerably higher than those of the private valuer. Yet these higher amounts were the values the LCC accepted! Deeds of sale were signed and the farmers were paid out. Some were given time to harvest their crops, while others moved out immediately.

At no time did the incoming “owners” ask to see the Amm farm’s books, nor did they check any inventories. As they had declared they would “go it alone”, they asked no advice of the farmers. The government produced a business plan showing the potential income from the farms as R100 million a year, but this plan was clearly not utilized.

The Amm family left with a heavy heart. Mike and Monica had lived on the farm Murlebrook for 43 years, raised five children and built what they called “a bit of paradise” from nothing. Amm says his type of farming is highly technical and requires 24-hour attention. The Banareng ba ga Letsoalo committee (the name under which the land claims were made) was elected to run the farm on behalf of the tribes. Not one person on this committee had agricultural knowledge or background.

What Happened Next

The Banareng ba ga Letsoalo land claim was ostensibly for 1 500 people to return to their original land. As it later turned out, none of these people returned at all. The committee was appointed to represent them, and this committee would “run” the farm on behalf of the tribe. The committee, as it also turned out, didn’t run the farm at all – they had meetings, of course, but most had businesses elsewhere. One was a panel beater from Hammanskraal (he was the treasurer). Another was a teacher, one was a clerk and the other unemployed. The chairman worked in a bookshop and still works for a publisher. He occupied the 4-bedroomed farmhouse. Nobody from the committee was born in the area. Most are believed to come from Pretoria.

This committee awarded themselves over R12 000 a month each, and went through the operating capital of R4,5 million like a hot knife through butter. They called themselves the “management team” but nothing was managed. The labour continued to work the farm until the pumps broke, or a machine broke down. These were not repaired. Then there was no money for spraying, and soon salary payments were in arrears.

This ultimately resulted in the farm workers marching five kilometres to the farm office where they toyi-toyi’d and presented a memorandum of grievances. This was February 2003, just 24 months after the newspaper report where DLA Minister Didiza told the world the beneficiaries of the handover would “go it alone”, and that the project would prove to the world that black farmers were not lazy and that they were indeed capable of running a farm.

Labour grievances included the late payment of salaries, the incompetence of management, no production bonuses, and threats and undermining of workers’ representatives. The manager of the farm committee Ismael Letsoalo said he couldn’t pay salaries because he hadn’t received the “additional funds” he’d requested from the Limpopo Regional Land Claims Commission.

What was found on the farms

Our researcher and a local farmer requested permission from the judicial manager of the farm to visit Murlebrook. (His role as judicial manager was defined by someone local as “making sure nothing is stolen”.) On their way to the farm, the team was telephonically contacted and told the local Land Claims Commissioner wanted a written application to visit the farm, and that there was no guarantee permission would be granted. As they were on their way anyway, the team continued. On arrival, they simply walked in. The judicial “manager” did not appear while the team inspected the farm, taking photos and talking to a few people who were sitting around at the entrance.

The team found avocado trees dying of thirst. While the farm dam was full, the pipes from the dam were broken - there was apparently no money to fix them. The trees’ leaves had curled up and were sunburnt. It was too late to save those beautiful trees. The mango trees’ spring blossoms were out, but these trees were not watered either. The papayas hung from dry trunks, while grass and weeds grew between the expertly laid out plantation rows.

Said our researcher: “It was criminal to see such waste, such desolation. Three state-of-the-art packing sheds were empty, loose crates lying about. There was not a soul to be seen. Electricity had been cut off so the cool rooms didn’t work. We left and moved to the next farm. Nobody stopped us as we drove across a stream (yes, this was a farm where a river ran through it!), but the stream was polluted with plastic bags, pieces of rusting equipment, rubble. Desolation had set in here too. The farmhouse looked forlorn and a cultivated garden had disappeared into weeds and sparse long grass.

We came to a packing shed. A black gentleman was at the gate and we asked for the farmer, the owner. Oh, you mean Mr. Mtetwa (not his real name!). He’s not here. He doesn’t live here. He lives in town. Then what happens here, we asked. Well, we’ve still got some bananas, the watchman declared. But they’re small. They’re for the bakkie (Afrikaans for a pick-up vehicle) trade.

We’d learnt what to look for in neglected banana plantations, the un-pruned, uncared-for trees. They are left to sprout many smaller shoots which grow from the trunk, and smaller bananas result. The bunches were not covered with plastic to protect them from the burning sun.

We couldn’t help noticing the difference between these pigmy fruits and the large bananas which Gauteng consumers paid R1 59 per kilo for in late 2003. Each tree is pruned, and the bunches are covered with blue plastic bags which hold in the moisture while deflecting the suns’ burning rays.

These beautiful plantations roll on and on for kilometers right throughout the sub-tropical and lowveld areas of South Africa, and one wonders at the mentality of a government whose policies would destroy this immaculate farming and replace it with subsistence “bakkie trade” production.

As we drove through this once beautiful farm, we came upon neglected macadamia groves. Thousands and thousands of macadamia nuts lay under the trees, unharvested. These are the most expensive nuts on the market: South Africa’s macadamia export production goes mainly to the United States where consumers can afford them. In South Africa, they are priced at R110,00 a kilo.

The trees had not been pruned and the ground underneath had not been cleared. Further on, a citrus orchard’s trees gasped for water in the searing heat. These “ghost farms” are appearing all over South Africa.

Why the Wheels Came Off

Arrogance and ignorance are a lethal concoction. When people don’t know what they don’t know, the results are catastrophic. Soon after the 2001 takeover of the Letsitele farms, the general secretary of the farm’s committee admitted that “one of the big problems in taking over these farms was that the previous owners tended to be managers as well, and that left a management gap that we are still trying to fill.” However, he continued, “we have sent people to agricultural college to learn more about farming and we are confident in our ability to run these farms on our own”.

Did Minister Didiza know about this paucity of knowledge, experience and management before she handed over taxpayer-funded farms? If she didn’t, why didn’t she find out? Why didn’t she at least check up on the progress of the management committee? After all, this was funded with public money. And what about the production loss to the country?

Two years later, this same secretary complained that the government didn’t assist them with a business plan and a training program. (But a business plan had been set up, although not utilized.) He complained that the government should have sent them Agricultural Extension Officers (AEO). From the time of the handover, only three “managers” of the original committee were left, the whole R4,5 million operating capital had disappeared, the labourers only received R310,00 per month (what about the minimum wages which the government insists all commercial farmers should pay their staff?), while the last of the mangoes were so diseased they had to be thrown away. The farm’s previous owner’s fertilizer and spray programs were highly effective, but no spraying had taken place because of mismanagement.

The farming equipment which had been handed over in pristine condition was virtually unusable, but the R12 000 a month salaries were still taken until the farm operation was placed under judicial management!

The Indigenous Nursery

An arboretum of more than 200 indigenous trees – each individually marked – was painstakingly created by Monica Amm on the family farm. Called the Matumi Botanical Garden, the trees and an accompanying nursery attracted visitors from all over the world.

The Amms called a meeting in June 2001 at which members of the new farm management committee and people from the Limpopo departments of Environment and Agriculture were present. The meeting was to discuss the continuance of the arboretum as an eco-tourism project, and to give the meeting the assurance that the Amms would do everything in their power to assist in the further development of the nursery as well as the arboretum.

The nursery could produce indigenous trees and medicinal plants, for which a ready market already existed. There was adequate irrigation to maintain the nursery. (The Amms and their family are the only South African members of the International Dendrology Association, while Mike Amm is a well-known and accomplished amateur botanist.)

Everyone was positive and promised to report back. Today the arboretum is dry and neglected, and nobody maintains the nursery which has virtually disappeared. The electric fencing doesn’t work. Needless to say, there was no comeback from the provincial government departments. It is a tragedy that even today, overseas tourists still come to look for the famous arboretum, which is no more.

Judicial Management

An application by the State Attorney for the farms to be placed under judicial management was made in January 2003, purportedly on behalf of the Department of Land Affairs, and a commission of enquiry was to be established to find out what happened to the R4,5 million operating capital granted to the farms’ management committee. It was reported that the Scorpions would become involved and investigate the misappropriation of funds and mismanagement.

These farms were among the best in the world. Mike Amm’s farm alone contained 100 000 trees. A dam he built was the biggest in the district. The farms contained sophisticated irrigation equipment, and the thousands of trees were nurtured to world standards. The rainfall average in the area is 1 000 mm per annum. (Consider that the average rainfall in most of South Africa is 464 mm against a world average of 857 mm). Permanent mountain streams run through many of the valley’s properties and the dams are well sited, with gravity irrigation from some. The farm valuer declared in his official valuation that the farms were situated in an area “with abundant water”.

The climate is sub-tropical and frost free with average summer temperatures of 290C and 230C during winter. The soil in the area is predominantly a sandy loam type, very fertile and with excellent drainage capacity. According to a professional valuer, “the Letsitele Valley can be regarded as one of the best farming areas in the country mainly due to climate and soil factors, but also because of the professional way farmers run their businesses”.

(Less than 12% of South Africa’s land is suitable for cultivation. Twenty one percent of the country has a total rainfall of less than 200 mm annually, 48% between 200 mm and 600 mm, while only 31% records more than 600 mm.)

The Amms left a beautiful house they built themselves, a manager’s house, a separate flat, staff quarters, a reservoir, boreholes, irrigation systems, three packing sheds and sophisticated farm equipment. They watched their years of work eroded because of a fallacious land claim, and because the SA government did not even stick to its own rules when granting this claim. More importantly, there had been no follow up programs to ensure that all went well.

It is not as if the government wasn’t warned. The Letaba Herald ran an article in September 2000 expressing grave misgivings about the handover of the valley farms to DLA recipients. The paper said that there were signs that the government’s land reform policy could become a “sword of Damocles” over the country’s agricultural economy. People in the area had seen the disastrous destruction of the Zebediela and other citrus estates after they were given to inexperienced recipients. Millions of rands were lost not only in the price paid to the exiting farmers, but in the huge deficits in export sales, and in the taxes which could have been generated from these productive farms. Now the same thing was about to occur in Letsitele.

The paper continued: “Inexperienced, inadequately funded people who move onto currently white-owned farms could eventually find themselves in a morass of debt, unemployment and the inability to even produce food for themselves at a sustainable rate.” Unfortunately, these premonitions and fears were not repeated in the national press.

The Herald noted that the valley’s “3 000 ha or so of intensive citrus, mango, avocado, banana and papaya orchards bring in tens of millions of rands in foreign currency every year and support a labour force of between 2 000 and 3 000 black workers, plus their families. Now its continued existence as a world-recognized agricultural gem is being threatened by separate, even conflicting, Land Restitution Act claims on white-owned farms in the valley. It’s a recipe for shambles. There are only going to be losers, not winners.”

Mike Amm was quoted at length. He told the paper that at a recent meeting with the provincial Land Claims Commission, the farmers informed the Commission that the land claims had virtually stopped all development on the valley farms, that retrenchments were already under way and further jobs would be lost, and that banks and other financial institutions were reluctant to support valley farmers who had land claims against them, as they could not offer acceptable security.

Likely Scenario

Asked what would be the most likely scenario if the farms were handed over as going concerns to the claimants, Amm referred to the history of two once-productive farms in the valley which had been bought by the old homeland Lebowa government for tribal occupation.

One became derelict and was then leased to a white farmer who lived well off it for 20 years and employed 400 people. In 1999, his lease expired and he left, leaving his farm improvements intact.

Just one year later, the farm has sank back to its original dilapidated state. Squatters moved in, fences torn down and irrigation piping was stolen. The mangoes became sick and the trees planted for windbreaks were chopped down for firewood. Four hundred people lost their jobs.

The other was the well-known Rolf Flowers operation which had a capital-intensive infrastructure and employed hundreds of people on its 100 ha. It was purchased from Rolf Flowers by the government in the early nineties (it bordered on one of the traditional lands) and today stands forlorn, with its buildings vandalized and its equipment ransacked.

Everything which could be stolen has already been taken, and nothing is going on. There seems little concern by the powers that be about the waste of taxpayers’ money for this purchase. The only move the government has apparently made is to employ security guards to protect what remains from further vandalization.

But saddest of all was the story of a black businessman who, up to late 1998, had had a thriving trading store at Giyani. He knew little about fruit farming but decided to buy a citrus and mango farm, with a turnover of about R2 million a year. This farm was next to Amm’s farm in the valley. He was given a R2,4 million Land Bank loan, plus a R100 000 production loan, and friendly advice and practical help from his neighbours.

Then he, like his neighbours, was hit by floods and he lost much of his mango crop, while his fences were damaged. He certainly had bad luck but so did everybody. This farmer was in deep trouble. He couldn’t meet his land Bank payments and he couldn’t afford to spray his mangoes which were then in full flower. He couldn’t harvest his fruit because he had little money to pay his labour or buy diesel for his tractors. What fruit he had was stolen at night. His phone was cut off and he had no more air time on his cell phone.

This is what farming is all about, and it is clear that little of the downside of agriculture is relayed to prospective land reform beneficiaries. If it were, would they take on farming at all? (Notable is the fact that during the floods in the area, white farmers had to repair roads and bridges at their own expense).

Valley farmers believe that the same situation and conditions apply throughout the country. And they are right. Said one farmer we spoke to: “Every single person, black or white, in the Letaba district is dependent in one way or another on agriculture. It should not be allowed to go into decline. In the broader sense, the rich, productive valley could be lost to the South African economy. There will be no winners, only losers!”

How prescient he was. But nobody was listening, least of all the arrogant and the ignorant for whose sins the whole of South Africa must pay.

Now that the government has given itself powers to expropriate property throughout South Africa at will, it needs no fertile imagination to think what will happen to the productive farms upon which Minister Didiza will set her sights. There’s nothing stopping her, except of course a dearth of food in South Africa’s shops, no surplus grain to send to friends across the Limpopo, no taxes from bankrupt and destroyed farms, and no foreign currency to be earned from agricultural exports.

When a government sets out to force through a policy on ideological grounds, without pause to assess what has happened to previous land transfers, then it is criminally responsible for whatever disasters await us in the future. It is clearly not only up to Mike Amm to shout from the rooftops. South Africans of all shades must do something now. When it’s too late, it’s too late. A broken house can be rebuilt in a week. A destroyed farm takes years to recover, and it needs dedication, love, hard work and skill. These qualities are already in short supply within a community which sees its life’s work and its productive farms collapsing before its very eyes.

UN Fails in their mandate

Looking at the UN, Obviously fully aware of the current white genocide, anti white policies, Farm murders, disbandonment of our commando's in South africa to name but a few...Not taking any action can only leave one with the impression that the UN Approve of all the above.To say that the White Afrikaner can have independence as long as it is not racially based is nothing short of a sick idea to force the white man in South-africa to be ruled by his enemy who is on a ongoing basis oppressing, discriminating against and in a Cruel, inhumane, barbaric way slaughtering our people on a daily basis threatening our mere existance.This in any terms or by any one's standards and values is totally inhumane and unecceptable. One is finally left with the impression that the UN shares in the Anc's idea of totally destroying the boer nation. When the protector becomes the opressor every nation has the fullest right to NOT play by such opressor's rules as this in itself could lead to the destruction of a nation.
I Quote - The UN's Mission statement
 
The Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide acts as a catalyst to raise awareness of the causes and dynamics of genocide, to alert relevant actors where there is a risk of genocide, and to advocate and mobilize for appropriate action.
The Special Adviser on the Responsibility to Protect leads the conceptual, political, institutional and operational development of the Responsibility to Protect.
The mandates of the two Special Advisers are distinct but complementary. The efforts of their Office include alerting relevant actors to the risk of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity, enhancing the capacity of the United Nations to prevent these crimes, including their incitement, and working with Member States, regional and sub-regional arrangements, and civil society to develop more effective means of response when they do occur. 

Going even further than black on white oppression and Cruel murders of our people, The newly formed EFF (Julius Malema) are now directly threatening the Whitepeople in South Africa, Still the UN Fails to fullfill their mandate to, and i quote " alert relevant actors where there is a risk of genocide, and to advocate and mobilize for appropriate action"

White South Africans killed enmass!

By BloodySA | Posted June 30, 2013

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CNN PRODUCER NOTE

Writing about “Black on White” attacks are not my effort to drive a racist wedge between different population groups, but to highlight the plight of the White population in South Africa. Almost all of these murders are totally ignored by the media. Because of Apartheid people are so oversensitive about the race issue that any atrocity afflicted on the White population by the Black population is either ignored, explained away and in the worst cases applauded! I have heard people say that white people being brutally murdered, raped and families destroyed is just retribution for the past and that this nation must just swallow it. There are more psychopaths out there than one thinks! Those committing the crimes and those silently agreeing to it fall in the same category!

From only 1 January 2013 to 27 June 2013 there were 230 “Black on White” attacks. 97 MURDERED, 17 women and 2 men RAPED, in most cases by a whole gang! There were 3 people left with PERMANENT BRAIN DAMAGE and 1 PARALYSED. There were 102 FARM ATTACKS and 30 people MURDERED during these attacks.
All of this happened from only January 2013 and does not include the thousands of other such cases since 1994, when the ANC took over Government of SA.

In one whole year, there was one attack of a white man on a black man which was with a golf club on a golf course. There were 3 weeks of media attention given to this case and it was labelled as a “Racist Golf Club Attack”.
Less than 20% of the black on white attacks have been reported in the media and never once was it called a racist attack.

When there is “Black on Black” violence like Somalis killed by South African black people it is called Xenophobic attacks. When there are Black Lesbian Women raped and killed by Black Men, they call it Corrective Rape (sickening!) All of these attacks are atrocious and shows the sick mentality of a huge population group in South Africa. At least those cases get media attention! Even the Somali President, Sheik Mohammed, contacted SA president, Mr Zuma to “act immediately” to arrest those responsible.

I do not condone any violence, whether it is black on white or vica versa. Life in general is too valuable to be destroyed in such a manner.

A huge part of this issue is the media not reporting on the problem of “Black on White” attacks. I am asking myself if the government is hushing up the media, or if they are so scared of the ANC that they just keep quiet. HOW PATHETIC!

Thank God for Social Media! The truth will come out whether those trying to manipulate and justify the facts want to or not!

Now and again an article finds its way into the international media.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-22554709

Genocide Emergency: Darfur, Sudan
By Gregory H. Stanton
13 September 2004, updated 15 June 2005

The United States Secretary of State, Colin Powell, on 9 September 2004 declared “that genocide has occurred in Darfur and that the government of Sudan and the Janjaweed bear responsibility, and that genocide may still be continuing.” The U.S. Senate and House of Representatives, by unanimous vote on 23 July 2004, declared “that the atrocities unfolding in Darfur, Sudan, are genocide.”
The State Department has not historically been forward-leaning in making findings of genocide, as was notoriously evident during its refusal to apply the term “genocide” to Rwanda in 1994 until most of the 800,000 victims had been murdered. This time, however, the Ambassador for War Crimes Issues, Pierre Richard Prosper, adopted an exemplary strategy of proof. Prosper was the Prosecutor in the Akayesu case, which resulted in history’s first conviction after trial by an International Criminal Tribunal applying the Genocide Convention. Prosper’s strategy demonstrated the careful investigation and solid legal analysis that made him so successful at the ICTR.

Theo's Comment - Ok, So lets think about this, 1) After 800 000 killings the state dept. refused to apply the term genocide, What f...idiots, or is there a hidden agenda. Question is, How many of the Boer Afrikaner has to be killed before the world will see the genocide in South-Africa? Or, Are they maybe aware of the Genocide simply watching from the sideline, Again, with a possible hidden agenda, Who Do You Trust, Who do YOU Trust with your life, with your and your family's future and safety?. So, Oase and the VVK, thank you for attempting to achieve indipendance trough the UN and doing everything by the book but in my opinion, You not going to get far. The ANC for eg. Was Called a Terrorist org. worldwide pre 1994. My friend, They still a terrorist org. don't fool yourself. Then you have all the wannabe saviors of the Boernation like the AWB, Volksfront etc. Where are they, sorry but i dont and have not seen any-one of them make a actual difference since 1994, not one of them have made a difference in the current, deteriorating white genocide in South-Africa ( Sorry but it seems raising member fees are top priority in most cases ) The Boer Nation Needs a true leader, A leader that is realistic. A Leader that acts on facts. Ok, So what is the facts.
To name but a Few.
1) The Boer nation is the only nation without their own country!
2) Begging the UN is NOT going bring the Boer nation Indipendance.
3) Begging and negotiations with the Enemy is Most Defenately not going to bring independance even if you Quote your constitutional right to do so ( The ANC wants to see the Boernation destroyed and landless)
4) Of 27 Billion people on this planet not one is the same, So due to other people's idea's the boernation is stripped of their basic rights Nl:The right to independance, the right to safety as this nation is forced to be ruled by their enemy who today oppresses such nation trough acts like affirmative action and land reform, Protecting the criminal trough redicilous laws formulated to protect the criminal, in some cases more than the innocent citizen to name but 3.
So What should the Boer nation do?

My Friend, A Promise to God is a promise to God. Firstly The Boer Nations forfathers had Certain values like Honor and respect for "Geloftedag", God was part of their daily lives, Pray before you eat out of respect for God,Reading from the Bible before Bed, They were humble and God fearing people. These were the people that God gave the Land to.Compare that with the Nation today, Money, Greed, Disrespect for his fellow man, Rugby and booze. that needs to change first, Without God the Boer nation will never see independance again. Then Secondly..Yes, as we all aware of the Blackman in South Africa Claims that Africa incl.South Africa belongs to them, my Friend, This is Bullshit to say the least.
With the Bantu migration BC the Blackman started at cameroon on the top of Africa and migrated South Taking land from others as they go and ended up Taking the land from the San People in Modern day south-africa.
This trend still continues today where they ( Like julius malema makes it clear ) Take and claim land that does not belong to them by either establishing fear by killing the Farmers or Landgrab without compensation.
The Land currently belonging to the Boer's was Bought from the tribes who was firstly fully compensated. Secondly these tribes were given / moved to other parts of SA, These parts were given to them for Free, In most cases land with water like rivers etc. So if they want the land back the Boer's bought from them the Boers should have the land back that was given to them when the farms were bought isnt it??
So Stop feeling that you as the Whiteman have no right in SA, You have all the right to be here.
The Northern cape for eg. was ( With the Bantu migration ) never owned or occupied by the Blackman before the arrival of J.Van Riebeeck, Therefor the Cape Coliny still belongs to the Whiteman isnt it??
I Trust that this aricle will give you a clearer picture of what can be done in SA.
My Suggestion, Look at the major race groups in SA and allow each of them total independance in a independant province with Gauteng the Central Bussiness district where where all of these nations can come together should they choose to do so to Buy, Sell, do bussiness etc.
I want to remind people, No-matter If its the UN or any other country, The moment A Country or Group deprives anyone of independance as a nation such country or Group ARE GUILTY of Oppression no matter what lame excuses they might come up with.

Genocide Watch Returns South Africa to Stage 5 “Polarization”
12 July 2012
The African National Congress has been South Africa’s governing party since the Presidency of Nelson Mandela 17 years ago, following the end of white minority rule and apartheid. In the years under apartheid, hate speech was used by both supporters and opponents of the apartheid system to stir up their followers. When racial tensions in South Africa ran high, the song “Kill the Farmer, Shoot the Boer” was a revolutionary song of the anti-apartheid movement. However, it is an illustration of the long-term impact that such de-humanizing language can have.
After many years when such songs were no longer sung, in 2010, prominent members of the ANC Youth League, in particular Julius Malema, President of the ANC Youth League, openly sang the “Shoot the Boer” song at ANC Youth League rallies. Not only did revival of the song strike fear into the hearts of Boer farmers, but it has actually been sung during attacks on white farmers. It is an incitement to murder white Afrikaner farmers.
Over 3000 white farmers have been murdered since 1994. The South African police have not made investigation and prosecution of these farm murders a priority, dismissing them as crimes by common criminals. The government has disbanded the commando units of white farmers that once protected their farms, and has passed laws to confiscate the farmers’ weapons. Disarmament of a targeted group is one of the surest early warning signs of future genocidal killings.
A recent outbreak of violent farm invasions has led to casualties among white South Africans. The farm invasions are direct results of calls by Julius Malema and his Deputy, Ronald Lamola for whites to give up their land without compensation, or face violence by angry black youths “flooding their farms.”
In response to Julius Malema, the Freedom Front (FF) cited Section 16.2c of the South African Constitution, which restricts freedom of speech rights by excluding as unprotected speech "advocacy of hatred based on race, ethnicity, gender or religion and incitement to cause harm.” The FF contended that Malema’s singing of the “Shoot the Boer” song was hate speech and therefore a human rights violation. Acting Judge of the South Gauteng High Court, Leon Halgryn declared that the song is hate speech, and it is unconstitutional to either utter or sing “dubul’ibhunu” (“shoot the Boer.”) He issued an injunction against Malema, ordering him to no longer sing the song. The phrase is now considered hate speech.
Julius Malema was shortly thereafter removed as President of the ANC Youth League, and ejected from the ANC. However, Malema’s followers have defied the judgment and continue to sing the song. Even
President Jacob Zuma sang “Shoot the Boer” at the ANC Centenary Celebration event in January of 2012. He claimed that its use at the ANC Centenary was not intended as hate speech, but rather to commemorate the struggle against apartheid.
Despite President Zuma’s proclaimed intent, his singing of the song may be contributing to an increasingly hostile environment that threatens the safety of white South Africans. The number of murders of Boer farmers has increased each month in 2012.
For ten years, Genocide Watch has been the only international human rights group willing to declare an Alert about the high murder rate of Boer farmers, perhaps because it is not “politically correct” to defend the rights of people who once supported apartheid. Genocide Watch is opposed to all forms of racism, from whatever the source. The President of Genocide Watch actively supported the anti-apartheid movement in constitutional consultations with the United Democratic Front when he was a Fulbright Professor of Law in Swaziland. He has visited South Africa several times since and will soon visit again.
Genocide Watch measures South Africa at stage 5: Polarization.

White genocide - Our future in South Africa

It is proven without any kind of doubt that the ANC , ANCYL and its commrades has declared War against the white skin. It is also clear considering statistics and facts that our enemy is still at war with the white people 18 years after 1994 and intensifying same on a daily basis at political and ground level.
On a daily basis in the "New South-africa" White people are brutally murdered, attacked, raped, intimidated and ultimately oppressed.
It Touches a person when you see your fellow white raped with a broken bottle, tortured with Boiling water, Burned with a hot iron, Locked in a freezer to Die, Chopped up with a panga or begging at a robot because the ANC's Policy of affirmative action directly discriminates against White people when it comes to finding a Job.
I do believe the ANC is leading this nation into war.

Carte Blance Video on farm Murders   http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3S71PbichSw

Hatecrimes by black people

Elderly White Lady Tortured With Boiling Water, Strangled

An elderly white lady was strangled in her house in Pullenshope, South Africa, on 1 June 2012.

Julie Cruse (72), who was the owner of a liquor store in the town was found by one of her employees in her house on 2 June.

The grandmother was overpowered by (obviously black) men, repeatedly kicked in the face, and eventually strangled.

Julie Cruse (72) murdered

The gang tortured the elderly woman for hours by throwing boiling water on her legs. An iron was found next to her corpse, which the attackers used to burn her on her stomach before they murdered her.

The murderers fled with about $700, perfume, 3 pairs of shoes and a golden necklace. They left her car in the garage.

This was obviously just another RACIST HATE CRIME in South Africa which the government is doing nothing about. The International media is silent about these murders.

Source: Elderly white woman tortured with boiling water before being strangled

Please help to spread the word about the plight of white South Africans and the genocide which is taking place with very little opposition from the ANC government. Take a moment to think about what it would feel like to be tortured with boiling water and a hot iron before you are strangled for $700.

ANC's Camp Quatro

Camp Quatro - ANC crimes against humanity

Tuesday, December 8, 2009

Inside Quatro: Uncovering the Exile History of the ANC and SWAPO

http://tia-mysoa.blogspot.com/2009/12/inside-quatro-uncovering-exile-history.html

This book by Paul Trewhela, uncovers some of the exile history (savagery) of the ANC and SWAPO that both organisations would prefer not to remember. Here is a first-hand account of the ANC's Quatro prison camp and of the mutiny in Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) in Angola in 1984; articles on the SWAPO 'spy drama' of the 1970s and 1980s; an analysis of a death in exile with implications relating to Jacob Zuma; and a study of the responses of both the ANC and SWAPO to these episodes of intolerance, repression and excess. In all his essays, Trewelha analyses problems of the liberation struggles with a former insider's knowledge and a journalist's ability to ferret out the facts.

In this edited extract from his book, Inside Quatro: Uncovering the Exile history of the ANC and Swapo, Paul Trewhela sheds light on a past that the ANC would prefer to forget.

The ANC's Quatro was best described in a terse statement by Zaba Maledza, when he said: "When you get in there, forget about human rights."

This was a statement from a man who had lived in Quatro during one of the worst periods in its history, from 1980 to 1982.

Established in 1979, Quatro was supposed to be the rehabilitation centre of the ANC, where enemy agents who had infiltrated the ANC would be "re-educated" and would be made to love the ANC through the opportunity to experience the humane character of its ideals.

Regrettably, through a process that still cries out for explanation, Quatro became worse than any prison that even the apartheid regime - itself considered a crime against humanity - had ever had.

However harsh the above statement, however disagreeable to the fighters against the monstrous apartheid system, it is a truth that needs bold examination by our people, and the whole of the ANC membership.

To examine the history of Quatro is to uncover the concealed forces that operate in a political organisation such as the ANC.

Quatro, officially known as Camp 32, was renamed after Morris Seabelo (real name Lulamile Dantile), one of the ANC's first and trusted commanders. He was a Soviet-trained intelligence officer, a student at the Moscow Party Institution and a publicised young hero of the South African Communist Party. In late 1985 he mysteriously lost his life at an underground ANC residence in Lesotho, where none of those he was with, including Nomkhosi Mini, was spared to relate the story.

Located about 15km from the town of Quibaxe, north of Luanda, Quatro was one of the most feared of the secret camps of the ANC, and only a selected few in the ANC leadership, (Mzwandile Piliso, Joe Modise, Andrew Masondo and also the then general secretary of the SA Communist Party, Moses Mabhida) had access.

The administration of the camp was limited to members of the security forces, mostly young members of the underground SACP. Such were most of its administrative staff - for example, Sizwe Mkhonto, also an East German-trained intelligence officer and former political student at the Moscow Party Institution, who was camp commander for a long time; Afrika Nkwe, also Soviet intelligence and a politically trained officer, who was a senior commander and commissar at Quatro, with occasional relapses of mental illness; Griffiths Seboni; and Cyril Burton, all falling within the same categories, to name but a few.

The security guards and warders were drawn from the young and politically naive fanatic supporters of the military leadership of Joe Modise and Oliver Tambo, who kept to strict warnings about secrecy. They were not allowed to talk to anyone about anything that took place in an "ANC rehabilitation centre".

The prisoners themselves were transported blindfolded and flat on the floor of the security vehicle carrying them. Upon arrival in the camp they were given pseudonyms and were strictly limited, allowed only to know their cellmates, and not to peep through the windows.

From whatever corner they emerged, or whatever turn they took within the premises of the prison, they had to seek "permission to pass". Any breaches of these rules of secrecy, whether intentional or by mistake, were punishable by beatings and floggings.

To crown it all, when prisoners were released they had to sign a document committing them never to release any form of information relating to the conditions of their stay in the prison camp, and never to disclose their activities there or the forms of punishment meted out to them.

The place had seven communal cells, some of which used to be storerooms for the Portuguese colonisers, and five isolation cells, crowded so much that a mere turn of a sleeping position by a single prisoner would awaken the whole cell. With minimal ventilation, conditions were suffocating, dark and damp even in the dry and hot Angolan climate.

Even (then ANC president) Oliver Tambo was forced to comment, when he visited the place for the first time in August 1987, that the cells were too dark and suffocating.

In every cell there was a corner reserved for five-litre bottle-like plastic containers covered with cardboard, which served as a toilet where, in the sight of all cellmates, you were expected to relieve yourself. With a strong stench coming from the toilet area, and lice-infected blanket rags that stayed unwashed for months or even years on end, the prison authorities would keep the doors wide open and perhaps light perfumed lucky-sticks before visiting ANC leaders could enter the cells.

Outside, the premises of the camp were so clean from the beaten and forced prison labour that Tambo found himself commenting: "The camp is very clean and beautiful, but the mood and atmosphere inside the cells is very gloomy."

The life activity of the inmates at Quatro was characterised by aggressive physical and psychological humiliation that could only be documented by the efforts of all the former prisoners and perhaps honest security guards combined.

Botiki, one of the former detainees, who lived through camp life in Quatro during its worst period, said of the place: "What I've seen there is frightening and incredible."

For a long time, Quatro had been a place of interest to many cadres, and it was very difficult to learn details of the place from ex-detainees. The ANC security had instilled so much fear in them that they hardly had any hope that the situation could be changed.

The meek behaviour and fear of authority shown by ex-detainees, the intimidating and domineering posture of the security personnel, attempted and successful suicides committed by ex-prisoners such as Leon Madakeni, "Mark", and Nonhlanhla Makhuba when faced with the possibility of re-arrest, and the common mental disturbance of the guards and personnel at Quatro, and what they talked about in their deranged state, threw light on what one was likely to expect in this "rehabilitation centre".

In Quatro the prisoners were given invective names that were meant to destroy them psychologically, names "closely reflecting the crimes committed by the prisoners".

Among the mutineers, we had Zaba Maledza, who was named Muzorewa, after a notorious traitor in Zimbabwe; Sidwell Moroka, named Dolinchek, after a Yugoslav mercenary involved in a coup attempt in the Seychelles; and Maxwell Moroaledi, named Mgoqozi, a Zulu name for an instigator.

There were many other extremely rude names that cannot be written here. Otherwise, generally, every prisoner was called umdlwembe, a political bandit.

The daily routine started at six with the emptying of toilet chambers, during which prisoners would run down to a big pit under whipping from "commanders" (security guards). After this, prisoners would be allowed to wash from a single quarter-drum container at incredible speed. The whole prisoner population had to wash from a single container, with water unchanged, taking turns as they went out to dispose of the "chambers".

The occupants of the last cells out would suffer most, because they would find very little water, which was very dirty.

The very activity of prisoners washing was a big concession, because before 1985 it was not even considered necessary for the prisoners to wash and they were infested with lice. Each group of prisoners was required to use literally one minute to wash and any delay would lead to serious beatings.

Back to the cell after washing in the open ground, the prisoners of Quatro would be given breakfast, which would either be tea or a piece of bread, or sometimes a soup of beans. They were normally given spoiled food that was rejected by the cadres of the ANC in the camps, and it was normally half-cooked by the beaten, insulted and frightened prisoners.

The two other meals, lunch and supper, were usually mealie meal and beans, or rice and beans, sometimes in extremely large quantities, which prisoners were forced to eat. To make certain that everything had been eaten, there was an irregular check of toilet chambers.

Alongside the emaciated prisoners there were security guards who lived extravagantly, drinking beer every week: privileges unknown in other ANC establishments.

During periods of extreme shortages of food for the prisoners, those who were working banked their hopes on the leftovers from the tables of the security officers and guards. Simultaneously with the taking of breakfast, those who wished to visit the medical point would be allowed out.

The clinic at Quatro was one of the worst places to visit, usually manned by half-baked and very brutal personnel. A visit to the clinic usually resulted in beatings of sick people and extremely inhumane treatment for the prisoners.

"Errol" who had problems with his swelling leg, was subjected to such inconsiderate treatment and beatings whenever he visited the clinic that he finally lost his life. Some prisoners would be forced to go to work while sick, for fear of revealing their state of health that would land them in the clinic.

Even reporting your sickness needed a very careful choice of words. For instance, if you had been injured during beatings by the "commanders", you were not supposed to say that you had been beaten.

In Quatro, "commanders" didn't beat prisoners, they "corrected" them; this was the way the propaganda went. A prisoner received a "corrective measure".

After the prisoners had polished the boots of the commanders and ironed their uniforms, at eight o'clock the time for labour would begin.

In Quatro there were certain cells earmarked for hard and hazardous labour. During this period, the cells that contained mainly mutineers were subjected to the hardest tasks.

Lighter duties, such as cooking and cleaning the surroundings, were given to other groups of prisoners, while the mutineers carried out other work, such as chopping wood and cutting logs, digging trenches and constructing dug-outs, and - most feared of all - pushing the water tank up a steep and rough road.

Every kind of work at Quatro was done with incredible speed. Prisoners were not allowed to walk: they were always expected to be on the double from point to point in the camp.

The group that was chopping wood would leave the camp at eight to search for a suitable tree to fell. Everybody had to have an axe. With work starting after eight, chopping would continue without a break until 12, and the prisoners were not even expected to appear tired. "A bandit doesn't get tired," went the saying.

Whipping with coffee tree sticks, trampling by military boots, blows with fists and claps on your inflated cheeks (known as ukumpompa) became part of the labour process.

The work quota that prisoners were expected to accomplish was totally unreasonable, but they were liable for serious punishment for any failure to fulfil it.

Many prisoners at Quatro had their ears damaged internally because of ukumpompa, which was sometimes done by using canvas shoes or soles of sandals.

The same situation prevailed in other duties. Unreasonably heavy logs for dugouts had to be carried up the slopes.

Every prisoner tried to get a piece of cloth for himself to cushion the logs so as to protect his shoulders, but prisoners still did these duties with patches of bruises incurred as a result of this labour.

The most feared duty in Quatro was the pushing of the huge water tank, normally drawn by heavy military trucks, by the prisoners themselves for a distance of about three or four kilometres from the water reservoir to the camp.

Like cattle, they would struggle with the tank and the "commanders", wielding sticks, would be around whipping prisoners like slaves whenever they felt like it or when the pace was too slow.

Prisoners in Quatro behaved like frightened zombies, who would nervously jump in panic just at the sight of commanders, let alone at a rebuke or a beating.

In the process of these beatings during labour time, prisoners who could not cope with the work were sometimes beaten to death. Such was the death of one prisoner, who died from blows to the back of his head from Leonard Maweni, one of the security guards.

Two others were unable to carry some heavy planks from a place far away from the camp, after the truck that had been carrying them broke down. Upon arrival in the camp they were summoned from their cell, under instructions from Dan Mashigo, who was the camp's chief of staff, and were taken for flogging at a spot near the camp. One never came back to his cell, and the other one died a short while after returning to his cell.

This was in complete conflict with what Dexter Mbona - the security chief in Quatro and later ANC regional chief of security in Angola - told the mutineers (who had challenged the leadership and demanded to be sent home to fight in South Africa rather than be kept in exile) when addressing them on their very first day of arrival.

On that occasion, he said: "This camp is not a prison, but a rehabilitation centre, and it has changed from what you portrayed it to be during the time of Mkatashingo (the mutiny)."

Quatro was still a place of daily screams and pleas for mercy from physically abused prisoners. Saturday was the worst day.

It was a day of strip and cell searches; the commanders would enter each cell with sticks and the search would commence.

If a single prisoner made even a slight mistake as a result of panic, the whole cell would be in for it, and to drown the noise of their screams, other cells would be instructed to sing.

As already mentioned, the whole story about this camp needs to be investigated to establish who were the masterminds behind these gross violations of human rights.

Both psychologically and physically, the camp has done a lot of damage to those who found themselves imprisoned there.

Some have become psychological wrecks, while others have contracted sicknesses such as epileptic fits.

What is certain is that Andrew Masondo, Mzwandile Piliso and Joe Modise were heavily involved in these sinister political machinations.

But was the topmost leadership of the ANC unaware?

I can already see the comrades commenting on this article saying that the prisoners on Robben Island were treated badly. Were they, really?

No, they weren't. Check out this page if you don't believe me...
http://www.thetruthaboutsouthafrica.com/2012/11/robben-island-vs-camp-quatro.html