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Showing posts with label anc. Show all posts
Showing posts with label anc. Show all posts

Tuesday, May 20, 2014

Crimes against Humanity

Boko Haram was classified as a Terrorist organisation after the killing of about 12 000 People, and now litterally hunted by the World.
My Question today is....After the silent, Brutal murders of more than 74 000 white People (Etnic cleansing ) in South Africa since 1994, Under the ANC ( African National Congress ) Government, Why is the ANC not treated the same way as Boko Haram?
Who are these people / Governments / Organisations protecting the ANC. I would like the Rest of the world to know the answer to this question as these people / Governments / Organisations protecting the ANC is as Guilty of Human rights abuse and partisipation there-in as the anc itself.
Oppression due to the ANC's so called "Affirmative Action" Depriving specifically "White People" of jobs is absolute Racism. Why, under even these sircumstances is the ANC protected?

Thursday, November 28, 2013


before i post this article, This is my Blog, and here i wish to say to every single person in the world who thinks its ok for blacks to kill whites in south africa .... You are No Different from these cruel, heartless, barbaric killers, maybe one day you will feel how it feels when your family, Children gets raped, barbariccaly tortured then killed by these demons.

Special Forces to Save Whites- In South Africa


Special Forces to Save Whites
In South Africa, a former member of the special forces has founded a new security company to protect farmers. Wynand du Toit points out that more than 4,800 white farmers have been murdered since the ANC took power in 1994, and has no doubt about the purpose of the killings: “There are no traditional criminals involved in the farm attacks. It is well-planned, military-style operations that are taking place. It is a well-planned action [aimed at forcing] white farmers to abandon their farms so that blacks can move in.” Lately, he says, attackers let their victims call neighbors for help and then ambush and kill the rescuers as well. He adds that it is no accident blacks target children for rape and torture: “Children are the future. Destroying children prevents us from having a future. Of course, the killing of children is also a psychological onslaught against the farmer, which might force him to leave his farm in order to protect them.”
Record of the injuries of a white, Eastern Transvaal farmer
who was tortured for six hours before he was finally killed.
Mr. du Toit’s new security company, Lanseria Protection Services, has teams of ex-special forces men on call 24 hours a day, who can be helicoptered anywhere in the country or parachute out of airplanes. He says the attackers have been frightened away from the areas in which his men have been active, and that local farmers look on his service as their only hope for survival.
Mr. du Toit thinks the killings are orchestrated by the Pan African Congress, and that the ANC is not yet at the stage of systematically killing whites. At the same time, police morale is so low, and so many experienced white officers are quitting, he thinks that within several years it will not be possible to solve major crimes. He notes that whites cannot count on help from abroad: “I have not noticed any response from the U.N., U.S. or the UK to the killings by blacks of white farmers in South Africa. Remember, we are white. Only whites can be racist. Blacks can’t be racist. They do not lie, and in the eyes of many overseas people, these attacks must be seen as a justification of the past. I do not think that the U.N. will spend one minute a month on the murders in South Africa.” [Anthony C. LoBaido, Wynand du Toit, a Special Forces Hero Committed to Saving Farmers at Risk in Southern Africa, WorldNetDaily. com, Aug. 15, 2001.]
One of the more hideous recent attacks took place on July 27, when eight blacks attacked Mr. and Mrs. Johan le Grange, an impoverished rural couple in their 80s. They tortured both victims with hot irons and tore out fingernails before beating Mr. le Grange to death. Mrs. le Grange survived but remains severely traumatized. The men then went next door to the home of the le Grange’s daughter and her four-year-old daughter, whom they raped and tortured for several hours — but did not kill.
Henda Wolfardt, a South African farmer who lives near Ventersdorp with her husband and two sons has noticed a world-wide pattern: “The blacks are killing whites in Zimbabwe, Kenya, South Africa and even in the U.S. in the recent riots in Seattle and Cincinnati. In Australia, the Aborigines are calling for the blood of the white farmers. The Russians are fighting against Islam in Chechnya. White Christians are attacked in the Balkans and Macedonia. What will it take for people to wake up?” [Anthony C. LoBaido, Killing of South Africa Farmers Intensifies, WorldNet Daily.com, Aug. 1, 2001.]
Zim: Bad to Worse
Deterioration continues in Zimbabwe. On August 26, the British newspaper The Telegraph reported that it had received a copy of a secret government document called “Operation Give up and Leave,” which outlined a terror strategy for ridding the country of whites. “The operation should be thoroughly planned so that farmers are systematically harassed and mentally tortured and their farms destabilised until they give in and give up,” it read in part. It says the “Pamire-silencing method” should be used on any farmer who resists, a reference to Chris Pamire, a businessman who fell out with President Robert Mugabe and died in a mysterious road accident.
War “veterans” invade a white farm.
A Zimbabwe government spokesman says the document is rubbish, but events seem to be following its plan. Though the area around the town of Chinhoyi has been particularly hard hit by blacks looting and vandalizing white farm houses, the town itself has been safe. Recently, Pres. Mugabe’s followers forced all whites off the streets of Chinhoyi, beating up any they could find. Joy Moolman, a white farmer’s wife, has circulated an e-mail message reporting that blacks later went on an especially nasty tear through the countryside, turning out whites and making off with wagon loads of their possessions. Mrs. Moolman writes that her husband is a pilot and flew over the area reporting which way the gangs were headed so farmers could evacuate their families.
Under the title “Whites Finished in Zimbabwe,” the August 12 issue of the British newspaper Daily Mail published a letter from a white Zimbabwean that read, in part: “There is a fin de atmosphere among white people now, a sad, bitter resignation to the fact that our world is crumbling around us. It’s like going through a bereavement for the beloved country many of our families came to from England 100 years ago. It’s an agonising process: anger, denial, bargaining — then maybe death.
“The entire younger generation of whites know they are not wanted and have left or are leaving. The older generation is still desperate to live out what remains of their lives in what is left of British colonial style…”
“Suburban street signs have been removed wholesale — we think they are being melted down and made into coffin handles. Graves have been opened, corpses dumped in the bush and coffins taken for resale, spruced up with the aluminium from the signs.”
He writes that the whole country feels like one big departure lounge, as whites clear out. At 50,000, whites are 0.6 percent of the population, down from 200,000 when Robert Mugabe came to power and asked whites to stay. Even face to face with hatred, whites seem unwilling to shed their illusions. The man writes that one white “revealed that what really depressed him was the seeming indifference of most black Zimbabweans to what is happening to the whites.”
He continues: “The government knows if it can drive whites out of Zimbabwe the rest of the world, and particularly the Western media, will lose interest and then it will be able to deal with its political opposition in no uncertain terms. If that happens, there will be a descent into poverty and terror from which Zimbabwe, once a civilised and sophisticated nation, may never emerge.”
What has been the reaction in white nations to this clear example of ethnic cleansing? Australian MPs have discussed the possibility of asking Mr. Mugabe not to come to the October Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Brisbane. Members of the European Parliament have urged the 15 member states to freeze any bank accounts held by Mr. Mugabe, to refuse to let him visit, and to consider suspending financial aid to Zimbabwe. American congressmen have considered — but not passed — legislation to impose financial sanctions.
In the latest round of pusillanimity, Britain has agreed to head up a group to compensate whites for the farmland to be taken from them, if Mr. Mugabe will only agree to an orderly, non-violent program of dispossession. Mr. Mugabe says he will study the agreement, announced September 7 in Nigeria.
“Veterans” load loot from
a white farmer’s house.
Meanwhile, in late August, Britain denied asylum to a white Zimbabwean fruit farmer who was beaten unconscious by Zimbabwean authorities who also murdered his girlfriend. Roy Page says he is afraid to go home, and says a number of his 300 former employees were killed simply for saying they wanted him back. The British position is that Mr. Page has nothing to fear if he returns, but has permitted him to appeal the ruling. [Christina Lamb and David Bamber, Mugabe’s Secret Plan to Evict All Whites, Telegraph (London), Aug. 26, 2001. Zimbabwe Denies It Plans to Evict All White Farmers, Reuters, Aug. 27, 2001. Kathy Kittley, Beaten-up Farmer Pleads to Stay Here, Telegraph, Aug. 30, 2001. David Blair, The Last Gamble of Zimbabwe’s White Tribe, Telegraph, Aug. 18, 2001. Glenn McKenzie, Zimbabwe to Stop Occupying White Farms, AP, Sept. 7, 2001.]

Tuesday, January 15, 2013

ANC's Camp Quatro

Camp Quatro - ANC crimes against humanity


Tuesday, December 8, 2009

Inside Quatro: Uncovering the Exile History of the ANC and SWAPO


This book by Paul Trewhela, uncovers some of the exile history (savagery) of the ANC and SWAPO that both organisations would prefer not to remember. Here is a first-hand account of the ANC's Quatro prison camp and of the mutiny in Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) in Angola in 1984; articles on the SWAPO 'spy drama' of the 1970s and 1980s; an analysis of a death in exile with implications relating to Jacob Zuma; and a study of the responses of both the ANC and SWAPO to these episodes of intolerance, repression and excess. In all his essays, Trewelha analyses problems of the liberation struggles with a former insider's knowledge and a journalist's ability to ferret out the facts.


In this edited extract from his book, Inside Quatro: Uncovering the Exile history of the ANC and Swapo, Paul Trewhela sheds light on a past that the ANC would prefer to forget.


The ANC's Quatro was best described in a terse statement by Zaba Maledza, when he said: "When you get in there, forget about human rights."
This was a statement from a man who had lived in Quatro during one of the worst periods in its history, from 1980 to 1982.
Established in 1979, Quatro was supposed to be the rehabilitation centre of the ANC, where enemy agents who had infiltrated the ANC would be "re-educated" and would be made to love the ANC through the opportunity to experience the humane character of its ideals.
Regrettably, through a process that still cries out for explanation, Quatro became worse than any prison that even the apartheid regime - itself considered a crime against humanity - had ever had.

However harsh the above statement, however disagreeable to the fighters against the monstrous apartheid system, it is a truth that needs bold examination by our people, and the whole of the ANC membership.

To examine the history of Quatro is to uncover the concealed forces that operate in a political organisation such as the ANC.
Quatro, officially known as Camp 32, was renamed after Morris Seabelo (real name Lulamile Dantile), one of the ANC's first and trusted commanders. He was a Soviet-trained intelligence officer, a student at the Moscow Party Institution and a publicised young hero of the South African Communist Party. In late 1985 he mysteriously lost his life at an underground ANC residence in Lesotho, where none of those he was with, including Nomkhosi Mini, was spared to relate the story.

Located about 15km from the town of Quibaxe, north of Luanda, Quatro was one of the most feared of the secret camps of the ANC, and only a selected few in the ANC leadership, (Mzwandile Piliso, Joe Modise, Andrew Masondo and also the then general secretary of the SA Communist Party, Moses Mabhida) had access.
The administration of the camp was limited to members of the security forces, mostly young members of the underground SACP. Such were most of its administrative staff - for example, Sizwe Mkhonto, also an East German-trained intelligence officer and former political student at the Moscow Party Institution, who was camp commander for a long time; Afrika Nkwe, also Soviet intelligence and a politically trained officer, who was a senior commander and commissar at Quatro, with occasional relapses of mental illness; Griffiths Seboni; and Cyril Burton, all falling within the same categories, to name but a few.

The security guards and warders were drawn from the young and politically naive fanatic supporters of the military leadership of Joe Modise and Oliver Tambo, who kept to strict warnings about secrecy. They were not allowed to talk to anyone about anything that took place in an "ANC rehabilitation centre".

The prisoners themselves were transported blindfolded and flat on the floor of the security vehicle carrying them. Upon arrival in the camp they were given pseudonyms and were strictly limited, allowed only to know their cellmates, and not to peep through the windows.

From whatever corner they emerged, or whatever turn they took within the premises of the prison, they had to seek "permission to pass". Any breaches of these rules of secrecy, whether intentional or by mistake, were punishable by beatings and floggings.


To crown it all, when prisoners were released they had to sign a document committing them never to release any form of information relating to the conditions of their stay in the prison camp, and never to disclose their activities there or the forms of punishment meted out to them.

The place had seven communal cells, some of which used to be storerooms for the Portuguese colonisers, and five isolation cells, crowded so much that a mere turn of a sleeping position by a single prisoner would awaken the whole cell. With minimal ventilation, conditions were suffocating, dark and damp even in the dry and hot Angolan climate.
Even (then ANC president) Oliver Tambo was forced to comment, when he visited the place for the first time in August 1987, that the cells were too dark and suffocating.

In every cell there was a corner reserved for five-litre bottle-like plastic containers covered with cardboard, which served as a toilet where, in the sight of all cellmates, you were expected to relieve yourself. With a strong stench coming from the toilet area, and lice-infected blanket rags that stayed unwashed for months or even years on end, the prison authorities would keep the doors wide open and perhaps light perfumed lucky-sticks before visiting ANC leaders could enter the cells.

Outside, the premises of the camp were so clean from the beaten and forced prison labour that Tambo found himself commenting: "The camp is very clean and beautiful, but the mood and atmosphere inside the cells is very gloomy."

The life activity of the inmates at Quatro was characterised by aggressive physical and psychological humiliation that could only be documented by the efforts of all the former prisoners and perhaps honest security guards combined.

Botiki, one of the former detainees, who lived through camp life in Quatro during its worst period, said of the place: "What I've seen there is frightening and incredible."

For a long time, Quatro had been a place of interest to many cadres, and it was very difficult to learn details of the place from ex-detainees. The ANC security had instilled so much fear in them that they hardly had any hope that the situation could be changed.
The meek behaviour and fear of authority shown by ex-detainees, the intimidating and domineering posture of the security personnel, attempted and successful suicides committed by ex-prisoners such as Leon Madakeni, "Mark", and Nonhlanhla Makhuba when faced with the possibility of re-arrest, and the common mental disturbance of the guards and personnel at Quatro, and what they talked about in their deranged state, threw light on what one was likely to expect in this "rehabilitation centre".
In Quatro the prisoners were given invective names that were meant to destroy them psychologically, names "closely reflecting the crimes committed by the prisoners".

Among the mutineers, we had Zaba Maledza, who was named Muzorewa, after a notorious traitor in Zimbabwe; Sidwell Moroka, named Dolinchek, after a Yugoslav mercenary involved in a coup attempt in the Seychelles; and Maxwell Moroaledi, named Mgoqozi, a Zulu name for an instigator.

There were many other extremely rude names that cannot be written here. Otherwise, generally, every prisoner was called umdlwembe, a political bandit.
The daily routine started at six with the emptying of toilet chambers, during which prisoners would run down to a big pit under whipping from "commanders" (security guards). After this, prisoners would be allowed to wash from a single quarter-drum container at incredible speed. The whole prisoner population had to wash from a single container, with water unchanged, taking turns as they went out to dispose of the "chambers".
The occupants of the last cells out would suffer most, because they would find very little water, which was very dirty.

The very activity of prisoners washing was a big concession, because before 1985 it was not even considered necessary for the prisoners to wash and they were infested with lice. Each group of prisoners was required to use literally one minute to wash and any delay would lead to serious beatings.

Back to the cell after washing in the open ground, the prisoners of Quatro would be given breakfast, which would either be tea or a piece of bread, or sometimes a soup of beans. They were normally given spoiled food that was rejected by the cadres of the ANC in the camps, and it was normally half-cooked by the beaten, insulted and frightened prisoners.

The two other meals, lunch and supper, were usually mealie meal and beans, or rice and beans, sometimes in extremely large quantities, which prisoners were forced to eat. To make certain that everything had been eaten, there was an irregular check of toilet chambers.

Alongside the emaciated prisoners there were security guards who lived extravagantly, drinking beer every week: privileges unknown in other ANC establishments.

During periods of extreme shortages of food for the prisoners, those who were working banked their hopes on the leftovers from the tables of the security officers and guards. Simultaneously with the taking of breakfast, those who wished to visit the medical point would be allowed out.



The clinic at Quatro was one of the worst places to visit, usually manned by half-baked and very brutal personnel. A visit to the clinic usually resulted in beatings of sick people and extremely inhumane treatment for the prisoners.

"Errol" who had problems with his swelling leg, was subjected to such inconsiderate treatment and beatings whenever he visited the clinic that he finally lost his life. Some prisoners would be forced to go to work while sick, for fear of revealing their state of health that would land them in the clinic.

Even reporting your sickness needed a very careful choice of words. For instance, if you had been injured during beatings by the "commanders", you were not supposed to say that you had been beaten.

In Quatro, "commanders" didn't beat prisoners, they "corrected" them; this was the way the propaganda went. A prisoner received a "corrective measure".

After the prisoners had polished the boots of the commanders and ironed their uniforms, at eight o'clock the time for labour would begin.

In Quatro there were certain cells earmarked for hard and hazardous labour. During this period, the cells that contained mainly mutineers were subjected to the hardest tasks.

Lighter duties, such as cooking and cleaning the surroundings, were given to other groups of prisoners, while the mutineers carried out other work, such as chopping wood and cutting logs, digging trenches and constructing dug-outs, and - most feared of all - pushing the water tank up a steep and rough road.

Every kind of work at Quatro was done with incredible speed. Prisoners were not allowed to walk: they were always expected to be on the double from point to point in the camp.

The group that was chopping wood would leave the camp at eight to search for a suitable tree to fell. Everybody had to have an axe. With work starting after eight, chopping would continue without a break until 12, and the prisoners were not even expected to appear tired. "A bandit doesn't get tired," went the saying.

Whipping with coffee tree sticks, trampling by military boots, blows with fists and claps on your inflated cheeks (known as ukumpompa) became part of the labour process.

The work quota that prisoners were expected to accomplish was totally unreasonable, but they were liable for serious punishment for any failure to fulfil it.

Many prisoners at Quatro had their ears damaged internally because of ukumpompa, which was sometimes done by using canvas shoes or soles of sandals.

The same situation prevailed in other duties. Unreasonably heavy logs for dugouts had to be carried up the slopes.

Every prisoner tried to get a piece of cloth for himself to cushion the logs so as to protect his shoulders, but prisoners still did these duties with patches of bruises incurred as a result of this labour.

The most feared duty in Quatro was the pushing of the huge water tank, normally drawn by heavy military trucks, by the prisoners themselves for a distance of about three or four kilometres from the water reservoir to the camp.

Like cattle, they would struggle with the tank and the "commanders", wielding sticks, would be around whipping prisoners like slaves whenever they felt like it or when the pace was too slow.

Prisoners in Quatro behaved like frightened zombies, who would nervously jump in panic just at the sight of commanders, let alone at a rebuke or a beating.

In the process of these beatings during labour time, prisoners who could not cope with the work were sometimes beaten to death. Such was the death of one prisoner, who died from blows to the back of his head from Leonard Maweni, one of the security guards.

Two others were unable to carry some heavy planks from a place far away from the camp, after the truck that had been carrying them broke down. Upon arrival in the camp they were summoned from their cell, under instructions from Dan Mashigo, who was the camp's chief of staff, and were taken for flogging at a spot near the camp. One never came back to his cell, and the other one died a short while after returning to his cell.

This was in complete conflict with what Dexter Mbona - the security chief in Quatro and later ANC regional chief of security in Angola - told the mutineers (who had challenged the leadership and demanded to be sent home to fight in South Africa rather than be kept in exile) when addressing them on their very first day of arrival.

On that occasion, he said: "This camp is not a prison, but a rehabilitation centre, and it has changed from what you portrayed it to be during the time of Mkatashingo (the mutiny)."

Quatro was still a place of daily screams and pleas for mercy from physically abused prisoners. Saturday was the worst day.

It was a day of strip and cell searches; the commanders would enter each cell with sticks and the search would commence.

If a single prisoner made even a slight mistake as a result of panic, the whole cell would be in for it, and to drown the noise of their screams, other cells would be instructed to sing.

As already mentioned, the whole story about this camp needs to be investigated to establish who were the masterminds behind these gross violations of human rights.

Both psychologically and physically, the camp has done a lot of damage to those who found themselves imprisoned there.

Some have become psychological wrecks, while others have contracted sicknesses such as epileptic fits.

What is certain is that Andrew Masondo, Mzwandile Piliso and Joe Modise were heavily involved in these sinister political machinations.

But was the topmost leadership of the ANC unaware?




I can already see the comrades commenting on this article saying that the prisoners on Robben Island were treated badly. Were they, really?

No, they weren't. Check out this page if you don't believe me...
http://www.thetruthaboutsouthafrica.com/2012/11/robben-island-vs-camp-quatro.html